Thursday, April 10, 2008

最傻的事,最好吃的一餐~!

Let's take a break from politics, let's talk about nice food~!

上个周末,我们一行9人做了一件最傻的事,就是决定开9个小时的车,从檳城到 KL 和 Pahang Temerloh 而这次旅程的目地竟是为了‘吃’。够傻吧?

我们9个人是共坐一辆 Toyota Alphard 去的,所以整个旅程算是舒服。我们星期五晚上在檳城开车前往KL。当晚我们停在怡保吃著名的芽菜鸡。

过后,我们在我KL的公寓睡一晚,隔天早上我们在 The Curve 的‘迎客楼’ 吃客家点心,由于该家酒楼的点心,价钱不大众化,所以我们知吃到半饱就‘埋单’走人。随后到楼下到相当出名的 ‘Big Apple’ 吃 Donut, 哇噻, 好吃!随后我们步行到不远的Ikea走走,并吃在Smaland cafe 相当有名的Curry Puff。

下午3点,我们正式展开重点旅程,前往Pahang Temerloh 吃啊贤人情味介绍,一桌大约RM900++ 的‘佛跳墙’晚宴。我们6点到 Temerloh 的toll,但由于不熟悉当地的路,所以找了超过一个小时才找到店面不显眼的‘全记餐厅’在那里,服务非常差,人潮非常拥挤,吃得我们满头大汗,但却是我们所吃当中,其中最‘劲’的一餐,只点了5样菜,吃了大约Rm900++,就吃得我们9人都走不动了。



这就是一锅RM450的 ‘佛跳墙’了




这就是佛跳墙的材料


这就是一锅RM120 的鱼翅
吃了这餐后,我们都非常的满足,觉得还会再去吃!
吃完后,我们再回到KL去睡一晚。
星期日早餐,我们只随随便便吃了些水果,午餐吃大人餐厅,觉得食物素质比以前差了很多,再去吃Satay Kajang。
晚餐我们到怡保的孖宝餐厅,点了7样菜才RM130++ 相当值得。过后就回檳城了~!
能在一个周末里,不间断地享受美食,果真是人生一大乐趣~! 太过瘾了,但是回来后,我必须去运动一整个星期才能消耗那周末所摄取的热量,哈哈~!
Vincent




Tuesday, April 8, 2008

雪州实行集中养猪区计划

【本刊记者撰述】雪兰莪州务大臣卡立依布拉欣(Khalid Ibrahim)澄清,其政府是延续前任大臣基尔多益(Khir Toyo)政府在今年1月30日通过的现代养猪场(Modern Pig Farming Project)计划,并承诺以高效率的管理方式,确保不会造成环境污染。
卡立依布拉欣(左图)今日发表文告,透露其州政府在4月2日议决,延续这个位于瓜拉冷岳(Ladang Tumbuk, Mukim Batu Kuala Langat)的计划,并以符合农业及农基工业部、天然资源及环境部以及雪州政府高素质要求的水平进行。
他强调,养猪场的排泄物将转为沼气(biogas),循环为电能;而清理养猪场的污水则用来灌溉猪只食用的农作物。
文告说,这意味着雪州不再批准新的养猪场,其他养猪场也必须迁入这个集中养猪区。他补充,雪州政府考量了多元族群社会的商业、文化需求,批准这个计划,旨在维持各族群的和谐。
颁1万6637租赁地契
早前霹雳州政府给该州新村捎来颁布“永久地契”的好消息,雪州政府今日则宣布,他们将颁布1万6637张租赁地契(hak milik)给雪州新村居民。文告解释,那些还未获得租赁地契的村民,是因为其地属于沿海地区保留地,而州政府的政策是不会将该地转让任何一方。
另外,雪州政府也表示将调查“土地拥有权重叠”问题,并向警方举报舞弊案件。
最后,总面积为79万6084公顷的雪州,拥有24万1568公顷的森林保留地。雪州新任政府发现,在2000年至2007年间,共有4325.5公顷的森林保留地被转让。雪州政府已下令调查获得森林保留地的一方,并确保能够即时解决此问题。

两线制为华教带来新契机, 董总赞民盟州政府新作风

大选所带来新政治地景之下,华教运动获得新契机,除了霹雳州外,董总未来将与民盟其他4州政府,展开对话以期突破原有的华校问题。董总主席叶新田今天在第26届董总常务委员会扩大会议后,向记者表示,由于政局的改变,使得他们拥有更多解决问题的管道。“基本上国阵过去控制了各种议题,对改善华教的各种限制十分困难。甚至有时候,要去见有关的部门或者教育部都不容易。特别是董教总尝试反映各种措施(的问题),那是相当的困难。”他进一步表示,由于大选结果,马来西亚政局已接近两线制,“起码我们有比较多的管道去反映、商谈和解决华教的问题。”“民盟起码让我们有机会见到他们,反映我们的看法。与此同时,我们也可以找回中央政府,会见教育部和高教部的部长,也就是说起码我们有两个管道。有更多的管道去见他们。”会教长很难,半年未成事叶新田表示,董总将陆续会跟民盟的五个州政府见面会商,它是在上周发信给各民盟州政府,并且获得对方的迅速回应。除了昨天会见霹雳州政府之外,董总也预定下周一会见槟州政府,即4月14日早上,与槟州首席部长林冠英在光大首席部长办公室会面。“因为政治局势有变,这次有5个州属由人民联盟执政,我们觉得新人新作风,所以我们就先写信去,也得到他们很快的回应。”“(他们)好像有效率,上次我们跟教育部长谈了大半年,还是认为诚意不足,未能见面。”接下来董教总在会面中所商讨的课题,基本会跟霹雳州政府会面的三项课题一致。不过,也会依不同州属董联会的建议,加入一些地方性议题。至于其他三个民盟政府,由于董总本身最近忙于其他事务,因此还未敲定具体会面日期。上述三项基本课题包括:建议对各源流学校提供土地以建设学校、建议减收学校地税,以及州政府每年为州内独中提供固定拨款。询及与霹雳州政府会面的结果,叶新田表示相当满意,霹雳州政府给予积极和正面的回应。不过他也强调,当中都是原则性问题,最终的成果还端视未来的落实。赞许魏家祥何国忠愿听取另外,叶新田也表示,董总也继续寻求跟中央政府部门和部长接触,以求解决华教各项的课题。董总已联同教总,约定教育部副部长魏家祥在4月10日假布城教育部会面,讨论华教基本和重要的课题进行交流。由于议题繁多,因此董总准备为会面草拟一份备忘录,其中重要的议题包括:大选前国阵的增建6华小的承诺、白小重开的问题,以及今年数理科考题用语的决策等。之后,高教部副部长何国忠也答应在本月11日早上亲自走访董教总教育中心。在该会面上,董总将提出新纪元学院升格大学,以及中央政府承认独中统考文凭,以便容许独中生进入各国立大专院校和师训等课题进行交流。对于这两位副部长,叶新田表达了他的赞许,“很欣赏这两位副部长,新官上任,立刻要来听取董教总对华教的一些看法,通过交流来寻找出一些方法来解决一些问题。这是很好的开始。”至于其他国阵执政的州属,叶新田表示,“只要那些州(政府)比较有亲民的作风,欢迎我们,我们将写信去。”许海明:首相曾答应会董总至于是否将会见民盟三党党魁,如安华,叶新田表示,“目前我们的重点还在州政府,因为涉及校地和税务等重要和迫切问题,所以我们先见它(州政府)。”“那个看下一步啦!我们不考虑说有什么问题啦,如果有需要,我们会考虑的。”另外,询及是否还要会见首相时,叶新田简短表示,假如可能和有需要的话,董总会还是会跟首相见面。“我们写过信要求跟他见面,假如他老人家能够拨出时间来见我们,我们也会跟他谈我们的问题。”董总副主席许海明则补充说,大选前,首相曾在与槟州华团的交流会上承诺会尽快安排与董总见面。

Thursday, April 3, 2008

PM meets Guan Eng: 30 mins, 2 statements, no feelings hurt

KUALA LUMPUR, April 3 — Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng and Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi met for 30 minutes in Putrajaya today and both of them came away with something - no loss of face.
The island’s newly-minted chief executive was able to raise all the issues on his agenda, including the need for Petronas to fund the construction of the second Penang bridge, and said so at an impromptu press outside the PM’s office.
Careful not to be outflanked, Abdullah issued a statement through Bernama and said that he had advised Guan Eng to be to be careful with his statements as he was now a chief minister. Their different take on what was the news point of their discussion shows how important posturing is to politicians.
Guan Eng said he received the assurance that major infrastructure projects in the state will continue to be funded and driven by the Federal government.
He also made the case for Petronas to fund the Penang Second Bridge, a point he has repeatedly pushed since Election 2008 vaulted him and other members of the People’s Pact into the state assembly.
It was always going to be a tough sell but Guan Eng showed that he was not awed by the setting.
Speaking to reporters after the meeting, Guan Eng said: “I suggested that Petronas fund the bridge if not fully at least partially. Abdullah said it was not
possible because of the fuel subsidies and other commitments.
“Of course I feel otherwise.’’
On his part, the CM said that the state government will expedite land acquisition and push for the completion of the bridge by 2011.
“We will whatever possible to hasten the construction process. And the PM is trying to ensure that we can reduce the cost of the bridge so that the financial burden imposed on motorists can be reduced," said Guan Eng.
Abdullah told Guan Eng that he should not be a populist. “I told him that he has been observing closely what is happening in Penang. I advised him that he is the leader of the government there and that he should be careful in making statements.’’
In particular, he should not be making statements equating NEP with corruption.
Abdullah said that the federal government would honour all its commitments to Penang and asked Guan to ensure that there was growth with equity in the state.
When Guan Eng was asked about the atmosphere of the meeting, he said he said it was closer to a good meeting than a cordial one

No Holds Barred

by Raja Petra Kamarudin

More than 50 years or so ago, when I was still a baby, my mother weaned me off my bottle in quite a shattering manner, literally-speaking of course. After I finished drinking my milk, I would hurl the bottle over the cot and it would go crashing to the floor and shatter into a million pieces. In those days, milk bottles were made of glass, not of plastic like nowadays. Plastic technology, then, was not as advanced as today so bottles were made of glass -- and tins from tin, tyres from rubber, car dashboards from wood, and so on. Today, of course, nothing is original any longer and most products are manufactured from synthetic materials. Even 'wooden' car dashboards and faces of certain Menteri Besar are made from plastic.The cost to replace my bottles was certainly pretty exorbitant and eventually it became cheaper to carpet the entire room to cushion the bottles when they came crashing to the floor. One day, however, my mother removed the carpet and when I threw my bottle out of my cot it hit the floor and smashed into smithereens. My mother stormed into the room and raised quite a ruckus. "That's it," she said, "now you have no more bottle. You will have to drink from a cup from now on."When it came time for my next milk routine, my mother brought my drink in a cup and I of course refused to drink it out of a cup. I wanted my bottle. My mother then reminded me that I had just smashed my bottle that very morning so I would now have to drink out of a cup or else no milk for me. It was either a cup or no milk so I reluctantly agreed to the cup. It was I, after all, who had smashed my bottle so I really had no one else to blame except myself. Eventually the cup became second nature until I discovered that there are certain drinks that are best drunk straight from a bottle. But that would be another story for another time though.When my wife and I got our first baby, the deal was: she had carried our daughter for nine long months so it was now my turn to suffer -- I had to wake up at 3.00am to feed the baby. The first week was very tiring and I went to office the following day feeling very groggy. The second week, however, I filled the bottle with plain water and after three days or so my daughter no longer woke up in the middle of the night. She probably did not find it remunerating enough to wake up just for a drink of plain water.There is currently quite a bit of brouhaha about the continuation of the New Economic Policy or NEP. Even 'progressive' Malays like Shahrir Samad, surprisingly, are of the opinion that the NEP must be retained because the Malays are not yet ready for the removal of their 'security blanket'. I suppose, as long as you still bottle-feed the Malays, they would continue to demand it. But once the bottle is smashed or you feed them plain water, they may decide to move on and not keep clinging to their baby ways.There are two things about the NEP. One concerns education and the other business opportunities. The education part is actually not as complex as what some make it out to be. Sure, there are certain quotas allocated to Malays while non-Malays are given a token quota. And because of the limited places in local universities, the non-Malays have to pay for their own education, in particular at overseas universities.But does this need to be so? China has more than 1,000 universities with more than 100 in Beijing alone. Malaysia , which has only twice the population of Beijing , does not even come close to the number of Beijing universities. Based on the Beijing population to number of universities ratio, Malaysia should have at least 250 universities as opposed to less than 10% that at the present moment.Why can't we build more universities? We spent RM100 million to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of Merdeka last August. That is one university complete with equipment, fittings, libraries, and whatnot. We spend RM300 million a year on the Terengganu Monsoon Cup. That would be another three universities a year. We are spending more than RM3 billion on the second Penang bridge. That would be about 35 universities. With savings from this, that and the other, we could have 100 new universities built over 10 years.Yes, we do have money. It is only that the money is spent on the wrong things. According to Umno circles, Daim Zainuddin has transferred RM42 billion of our taxpayers' money out of the country and has sunk this colossal amount into about ten banks that he owns in Africa and Eastern Europe . That RM42 billion plus all the other money that has disappeared into the pockets of Umno cronies could have built 1,000 universities, as many as they have in China though our population is just twice that of Beijing .If our money had been well-managed and better-spent, today we would have more universities than students. We would be begging Malaysians to go to university because most of the lecture halls would be empty. Who would need the NEP? There would be no need for racial quotas. Our problem would not be about limiting places in universities so that these places could be reserved for Malays. Our problem would be about how to convince non-Malays to stop going overseas and instead go to local universities because there are just not enough students for the too many universities.But the reality of the situation is, our money has been wasted. Billions have disappeared into the pockets of Umno warlords and their cronies. Billions have been spent on the wrong things. I have estimated that, over 30 years, Petronas has earned about RM1 trillion. One Petronas consultant tells me that I am wrong. The figure should be RM2 trillion, he says. RM1 trillion or RM2 trillion what's the difference? Both figures are equally exorbitant.If just part of that money had gone into building one new university a year, today Malaysia would have no less than 50 universities. They could have even built 100 universities over 30 years with RM2 trillion. And we would then no longer need to reserve places in these universities. We would no longer require racial quotas. And this means we would no longer need the NEP.The NEP started in 1970 and has gone on for 38 years now. We started earning petroleum revenue in 1974 and have continued earning for 34 years now. But the petroleum money did not go into addressing what ails this country. And soon this petroleum money will dry up but what ails us will remain. We missed a golden opportunity to resolve our race problems with the income from the black gold. But we did not. And because of that we still need the NEP because, without the NEP, Malays would not have places in local universities.The NEP is not just about education or places in universities, some would say. It is also about business opportunities. Sure, but is that an excuse not to solve at least half the problem; racial quotas in universities. If we solve one problem then we will have only one problem left to solve. Now, after 38 years, we still have two unresolved problems, and both involve race and racial quotas.Okay, say that the government had solved the problem of racial quotas in local universities by building so many universities that there are no longer enough students, Malays or otherwise, to fill them up. This would still not solve the second problem of creating more business opportunities for Malays, many would argue. Actually this is not quite true. Malays have been in business since before 1969 and these Malays were actually very successful in their time.Take Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's ex-father-in-law as one example. Mahmud Ambak was a very successful businessman, as were his peers such as Safuan, Mat Jan, HM Shah, and so on. No doubt there was only a handful of such people and you could count them on your fingers of one hand. But the numbers were beginning to grow and, in the East Coast, the Malays were involved in all types of businesses and were even beating the non-Malays on top of that.Then came the NEP and with it came the quotas and Umnoputeras. Eventually the rent-seekers and commission agents monopolised the scene. Furthermore, you had to be an Umno warlord to obtain businesses, contracts and quotas -- so eventually your Umno membership and not your business acumen decided whether you got ahead or not. The genuine businessmen soon folded up and the Ali Babas; Umno Malays backed by Chinese towkays; took over. And what we see today are products of the NEP rather than genuine businessmen who made it because they are good in business.The NEP killed the 'real' Malays. In their place emerged the Umnoputeras. Without the NEP and with a level playing field, Malays would have made it -- but only the good Malays, not the commission agents. Granted, without the NEP, there would have been fewer Malays in business. But these few Malays would have been the quality Malays. Now we have the 'low-class' Malays who made it only because they are Umnoputeras and for no other reason. Why play the numbers game? Why go for quantity without quality? Would it not have been better to see the birth of the Robert Kuoks, Queks and Tan Chin Tuans of the Malay community, people we could be proud of?To say that the Malays would never reach the level of the Robert Kuoks, Queks and Tan Chin Tuans without the help of the NEP is an insult to the Malays. I, for one, believe I can make it with or without the NEP. To say I am who I am because of the NEP and that I would be nothing if not for the NEP is a great insult and I take it as an insult. I believe that without the NEP and without the unfair advantage given to the Umnoputeras there would be no 'ceiling' above my head and the sky would be my limit.But alas, I need to be Umno to get ahead and I need to be an Umnoputera to get my hands on quotas, contracts and permits to make it in the business world. It is not a level playing field and unless I am prepared to play the game according to the rules of the game then I had better not bother to play at all.The NEP is our milk bottle. But eventually we need to grow up and discard the bottle. We are now 38 years old so surely we should stop drinking from the bottle by now. But we are still being given the bottle. And the bottle is in the form of the NEP. And because of that we are still babies even at 38 years old. And our 'mother' tells us that we are still going to be given the bottle over the next 50 years. I will not live another 50 years. I may not even live another ten. But I shall still be offered the bottle till the day I go to my grave.Yes, we Malays are going to die as babies. We shall never be allowed to grow up. We shall never see that bottle go crashing to the ground and getting smashed into a million pieces. And because we have never be weaned out of the bottle we shall know no other way in which to drink our milk. And we will never learn how to eat rice because we do not know how to grow and cook rice. But one day, when the 'mother' dies, we shall cry and cry, asking for our milk that will never come. And the baby will die when the mother dies because the baby knows no other way in which to feed itself other than waiting for the mother to bring the bottle.That is the sad future for the Malays. Do you now know why the baby does not want the mother known as Umno to die? This is because the baby needs its daily dose of milk which only the mother can provide.

Tuesday, April 1, 2008

三大在野党筹组人民联盟, 五州政府将统一施政方针

为了响应人民在3月8日全国大选所反映的求变心切,国内三大在野党,民主行动党与回教党决定抛开歧见,并与人民公正党达至初步协议,筹组“人民联盟”(Pakatan Rakyat),正式朝向执政中央政府之路迈进。人民联盟不仅将设有一个领导理事会与联合秘书处,也会为5个由三党执政的州政府,拟定统一的施政方针。至于回教党与行动党过去僵持不下的回教国课题,三党领袖异口同声表示,这已不再是一项课题。三党最高领袖今早在安华位于八打灵再也的办公室召开联席会议后,召开记者会宣布上述消息。无论如何,代表三党宣读声明的安华表示,“人民联盟”只是初步达致的名称,仍有待三党最后核准。设领导理事会,没最高领袖目前的具体步骤是成立一个由三党领袖所组成的领导理事会,并在理事会底下成立一个联合秘书处,其成员由三党各派一名领袖组成。秘书处负责拟定人民联盟的框架与基础,之后再交由领导理事会通过。公正党实权领袖安华表示,这个在野党联盟不会委任一名最高领袖,而是由三党领袖集体领导,享有平等的地位。“主导联盟的是人民,我们的议程非常清楚,无论是回教党、公正党或行动党出任州务大臣,都没有分别。”4月举行三党国州议员大会由三党执政的吉兰丹、吉打、槟城、霹雳与雪兰莪州政府,也将被称为人民联盟州政府。所有5州的施政将根据人民联盟的统一方针来执行。“我们将会召开定期会议来决定政策,意味着施政将会出现某种程度的共识。”至于类似的合作关系是否会延伸至区部与支部层次,安华回答说,他们将从州领导层开始合作关系,联合秘书处将提出更多的建议。他也宣布,为了建立各党领袖对5州共同政策的相互了解,人民联盟将在今年4月27日举办三党国州议员大会。异口同声表示回教国非课题三党巨头都出席今午的记者会,包括公正党主席旺阿兹莎、行动党中央策略与政策委员会主席林吉祥、回教党主席哈迪阿旺,以及三党的其他领袖。回教党与行动党针对回教国的分歧,成为记者会上的焦点之一。安华解释说这项课题已经不存在,回教党在竞选宣言、党代表大会和公共场合中,已绝口不提回教国,只是国内的主流媒体仍不断在操弄挑起。“我们致力于改革议程,回归宪法精神、尊重基本人权、正义与自由、惠及全民的大马经济议程,我看不到有什么困难,公正党、行动党和回教党对这些大原则都达致共识。”林吉祥:须吸取替阵失败教训林吉祥(左图)则表示,3月8日的大选反映人民求变的心态,希望看到三党进一步合作,而人民联盟的诞生正是响应人民的要求。“我们曾经组成多元种族的替代阵线,我相信我们应从上次的失败中吸取教训,将之间的合作建立在人民支持的基础原则上。若我们能够坚持人民在3月8日大选中所要求的原则,新的政治景观将会成真。”林吉祥在记者会后向媒体表示,他相信行动党党员与支持者能够接受该党再度与回教党合作,因为这是选民在大选所传达的强烈讯息。他希望看到三党在公正、自由与良好施政的基础上合作,此举并不等于支持回教国与断肢法。哈迪:注重实际,名堂不重要哈迪阿旺(左图左)也同意说,两党的支持者在大选中投票支持对方,已传达非常明确的讯息,因此三党必须尊重民意,优先推动三党共同达致的原则,而且这些原则也是回教所推崇的价值之一。不过,哈迪阿旺拒绝回应该党是否已经放弃了建立回教国的理念,只说重要的是目标和实际行动,并非名堂。这是三党在1999年大选前夕组成“替代阵线”后,第二次组成政治联盟与国阵抗衡。当初三党在烈火莫熄政改运动后所缔结的合作关系并不长久,因为回教党在1999年大选崛起成为国会最大在野党之后,在执政的登嘉楼州推行回教刑事法,导致行动党蒙受马华和民政的大肆抨击,最后在美国911恐怖袭击事件后宣布退出替阵。此外,安华也表示,人民联盟与国阵在原则上有天壤之别,无论在民主、自由、负责任、良好施政、大马经济议程,以及铲除贪污朋党方面都截然不同。“我们将废除许多过时的恶法,并遏制贪污与滥权。”
设领导理事会,没最高领袖
4月举行三党国州议员大会
异口同声表示回教国非课题

轰阿都拉输掉九个州毁五个党, 马哈迪促效仿翁惹化东姑下台

www.malaysiakini.com

前首相马哈迪(左图)今日继续对现任首相阿都拉左右开弓,炮轰他只会一昧控制媒体,不愿聆听巫统党员和人民说出的真话,根本不晓得基层意愿,结果导致国阵及巫统在本届大选中蒙受空前惨败。国阵在3月8日的第12届全国大选中经历有史以来最惨痛的挫折,不但失去了三分二多数国会议席,更失去了原有的4州政权即吉打、槟城、霹雳及雪兰莪州,也无法从回教党手中重夺吉兰丹州政权。连并输隆、玻、登及柔四州马哈迪强调,阿都拉在这次选举中其实是输掉了9个州政权,包括吉隆坡联邦直辖区、玻璃市、登嘉楼和柔佛4个州属或地区,并且一手摧毁(hancur)掉五个政党,即巫统、马华、国大党、民政党和国阵。在这次大选,在野党於吉隆坡总共赢得11席国会议席中的10席,国阵仅赢得1席;至于另外三州,巫统所提呈的属意大臣人选,也遭到该州马来统治者的否决。这名在任长达22年的前巫统主席呼吁,阿都拉应该效仿首两任主席翁惹化(Onn Jaafar)和东姑阿都拉曼(Tunku Abdul Rahman),为本届大选败绩引咎辞职,以免最终遭人赶下台。支持开特大修改提名固打制他也支持东姑拉沙里召开特别代表大会的建议,检讨巫统这次大选的败绩,以及探讨大选后的方向,并修改巫统党章中的提名固打制。他强调,在大选后一天已率先开炮呼吁阿都拉引咎辞职,现在就要看巫统党员是否能够勇敢发表本身的意见,共同在选后挽救巫统的命运。马哈迪是在今日出席巫统外围组织--虚拟巫统俱乐部(Kelab Maya UMNO,简称KMU)所主办的“第12届全国大选后的巫统:一项评估”时,如此表示。除了邀请马哈迪发表主题演讲之外,主办当局还邀请其他的主讲人如前雪兰莪州务大臣莫哈末基尔(Khir Toyo)、前首相马哈迪幼子慕克里兹(Mukriz Mahathir)以及柔佛州巫统宣传主任莫哈末弗亚(Mohamad Fuad Zarkashi)同台演讲。这场讲座获得千名巫统党员和支持者出席,普遍上被视为巫统党内反阿都拉势力的首场造势大会。许多出席者更戴上印着马哈迪肖像,并写着“始终记得您的贡献”的微章。“以为亲吻其手就是喜欢他”马哈迪在开始演讲不久后,便先不点名抨击阿都拉封住党员的嘴巴,不允许他们发出任何异议的声音,只能称“是”全力支持领导层。“我们也看到报章受到控制,只允许它们报导领袖喜欢聆听的声音,因此领袖才会获得与基层情况截然不同的印象。”“他根本不懂得发生什么事,他以为亲吻其手的人是非常诚恳并喜欢他,也有人上台送花给他。”他指出,国会其实拥有长达5年的任期,但是阿都拉却在聆听这些假象后,决定在3年半后便解散国会举行大选。他讥讽阿都拉以为国阵可以“扫清所有议席,让在野党只剩下零席,并攻下吉兰丹。”对领导失信心党员投反对票马哈迪也表示,不仅普通人民在这次大选转投在野党,连国阵与巫统的党员都决定不投本身的政党,只是他们一直都选择静默,因为担心失去政府合约或遭对付而不敢表达意见。“但是,他们之所以会选择投票给在野党,并不是因为他们对巫统或政府失去信心,而是对现有的领导层失去信心。”他表示,这可以从历届大选成绩获得证明,除了1969年大选,国阵向来都赢得超过3分之2的议席,甚至在一些州属获得100%的国州议席。讥阿都拉仍瞌睡不承认败绩马哈迪继抨击说,结果国阵在阿都拉的领导下赢得最糟糕的成绩,甚至连自己的州属都遭在野党攻下,立即赢得出席者的拍掌与喝彩。他讥讽说,“我们从来没有首相是来自的敌对阵营的州属……他难道不知羞?在槟州明明是输了,他还声称国阵大获全胜。”他表示,国阵不仅输掉5个州政权,其实也输掉隆、玻、登及柔四个地区,“我们只是赢得5个州属,还少过这9个州属!不!不!5州还多过9周。”他抨击阿都拉到现在还不承认国阵惨败,并讥讽后者到现在可能还没有挣开眼睛,尚在睡觉中,“5个政党已毁在他手上,我说毁了是因为多数党员都给在野党,这是巫统、马华、国大党、民政党和国阵”。马哈迪也引用即首任主席翁惹化在提出巫统开放门户遭反对后而选择退出巫统,以及第二任主席东姑阿都拉曼在输掉了1969年大选之后就选择下台的例子,呼吁阿都拉应该在“有尊严和知羞”的情况下,自行选择引退。他进一步透露,本身当年也是在听闻很多人呼吁他辞职后,而选择在2003年下台引 退。凯里插手选候选人导致败阵马哈迪(左图)在其演讲中也指控凯里插手遴选巫统候选人,最终委派上阵的候选人与州务大臣当初呈上的名单不同,导致巫统在多个选区败阵。他声称自己听说一个“并非谣传,也非事实”的故事,形容每个州务大臣在会晤苏丹阿都拉沙(意指阿都拉)提呈大选候选人名 单之前,都必须把名单呈交给隔壁房间先行过目和修改,然后才交到阿都拉的手中。马哈迪质疑,“究竟是谁身处在隔壁的房间?”,立即引起出席者起哄说是“牛津”。他最终揶揄说,这就是凯里改革巫统的方式 (Ini process pembaharuan reformasi ala KJ)。促党选拒绝带来灾难的领袖他随后表示,因为阿都拉就是凯里的丈人,所有他才会要求前者下台。由于阿都拉坚拒下台,所以他决定支持召开特别代表大会,来讨论巫统败绩,以及选后的方向,并修改党章中的提名固打制。他承认,提名固打制是在其任期内提出,不过当时的巫统代表敢于发言,甚至提名安华取代原任署理主席嘉化峇峇,但是现在的巫统党员已经没有勇气。不过,他指出,特大的建议会面对阻难,遭最高理事会否决。不过,他认为,巫统党员必须提起勇气,拒绝任何将为党带来灾难的领袖,才能在大选后挽救该党。他表示,如果党员能拒绝受贿,施压召开特大修改党章,那么他们将能在12月当选挽救巫统。“如果我们这一切都成功,我们将能在12月大会举行党选遴选新领导层,我们必须在勇敢挽救我们的政党……必须拒绝那些为党带来灾难的领袖。”在问答环节中,一名出席者也呼吁马哈迪领导“倒阿都拉运动”。对此,他表示,在选举隔日已经召开记者会呼吁阿都拉下台,但是基层却保持一片寂默。
一并输隆、玻、登及柔四州
支持开特大修改提名固打制
凯里插手选候选人导致败阵